How Russia Turned Political Repression Into a System

Russia's political repression has become more than a campaign against individual opponents of the Kremlin. In a report to the UN General Assembly, Special Rapporteur Mariana Katzarova describes a system in which criminal prosecutions, restrictions on civil society, wartime censorship and pressure on exiles reinforce one another. Her central warning is that leaving Russia does not necessarily put a person beyond the reach of the state.

Repression as a method of government

In report A/81/374, presented to the General Assembly in October 2026, Katzarova examines political persecution as a connected structure rather than a collection of isolated cases. Criminal law, the courts, restrictions on independent organizations, information controls and pressure abroad all play a part.

These are the findings of an independent UN expert, not a judicial ruling. According to the report, Russian authorities have not cooperated with the Special Rapporteur's mandate or allowed her access to the country.

The cost of dissent

Figures cited in the report indicate that, by early September 2026, 4,968 people had faced politically motivated criminal prosecution in Russia, with 2,178 behind bars. Katzarova considers these estimates conservative: restrictions on access to information make the full extent of persecution difficult to establish.

The average prison term in politically motivated cases rose from six years and seven months in 2021 to 11 years in 2026. In 2025, the report says, courts handed down 468 convictions in treason and espionage cases, with no acquittals.

The significance of these numbers goes beyond the people directly affected. Long prison terms remove critics from public life, while the prospect of prosecution can deter many others from speaking, organizing or helping those targeted.

War and the erosion of civil liberties

One of the report's central arguments is that Russia's war against Ukraine and its domestic crackdown have become mutually reinforcing. The destruction of independent institutions weakens society's ability to challenge government policy; the war, in turn, provides a pretext for further restrictions and criminal cases.

Legislation targeting so-called foreign agents and undesirable organizations, alongside wartime censorship, has affected journalists, human rights defenders, lawyers and ordinary citizens who publicly oppose the invasion. In Katzarova's assessment, the peaceful exercise of fundamental rights is increasingly portrayed as a threat to national security.

Human rights defenders under attack

In 2026, Russian authorities designated the Memorial movement and OVD-Info as extremist organizations. Such measures expose people involved in human rights work to potential criminal liability and make it harder to document abuses or provide assistance to those targeted.

The report also describes pressure on independent journalists and the legal profession. When lawyers risk being associated with their clients' alleged offenses, and documenting abuses becomes dangerous, people facing persecution can lose access to independent support.

Repression beyond Russia's borders

Emigration does not necessarily end the pressure. Katzarova describes trials and convictions in absentia, politically motivated extradition requests, misuse of international police cooperation, financial restrictions and pressure on relatives who remain in Russia.

According to figures cited by the Special Rapporteur, convictions in absentia increased from four in 2022 to 157 in 2025. Their consequences may reach people living in countries where they have sought safety.

Katzarova urges governments to scrutinize extradition and international wanted-person requests for political motivation. She also calls on financial institutions and screening-data providers not to reproduce Russian designations automatically when those designations are used as tools of repression.

Children and the normalization of war

The report raises concerns about the militarization of education and the prosecution of minors. It cites figures indicating that nearly 1,100 people were added to Russia's lists of terrorists and extremists before reaching the age of 18.

The implications extend beyond individual cases. When education is increasingly tied to military preparation and dissent can invite punishment, children face growing constraints on their ability to develop and express independent views.

Torture and impunity

Katzarova draws particular attention to torture and ill-treatment in detention, including abuses involving Ukrainian civilians and prisoners of war. She describes these practices as widespread and systematic and warns of the lack of effective independent investigations.

According to the report, at least 55 political prisoners have died in detention since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion. These cases require further documentation and investigation. Under international law, the prohibition of torture is absolute: war and national security cannot justify exceptions.

What the international community can do

The Special Rapporteur recommends preserving evidence of violations, protecting people from forced return to places where they risk torture or persecution, and rejecting politically motivated extradition requests.

She has also proposed a legally binding international convention against transnational repression. This remains a proposal by an independent expert, not a treaty adopted by the UN General Assembly.

The report's broader message is that human rights protection cannot stop at national borders when the machinery of persecution operates across them.